Volume One, Chapter Sixty: The Mission

At this moment, Chang Ke interjected, "I don't quite agree. The law is the baseline, morality is the high line. As an ordinary person, I never crossed the legal baseline in the past—of course, my current job is a bit different. But morality is something that changes constantly with different eras and societies. As for ordinary people, can they really reach that high line, match up to those so-called sages like Confucius and Laozi? Moreover, people have two lips; even if you strive for moral perfection, everyone will have vastly different standards of judgment."

Hearing this, the leader gave Chang Ke a thumbs-up and said, "No matter how you look at it, it proves that you do things rigorously and logically, yet you don't cling to others' opinions, you're flexible and versatile—isn't that right?"

Chang Ke nodded in agreement.

The leader lifted his gaze and continued, "Most of the candidates we select are already accomplished and meritorious within the public security system. This way, we don't need to observe them long-term, and we know their strengths, so we can use them according to their abilities. But this selection method has a weakness: the overall education level is quite low. The special nature of this job demands people with high education, broad knowledge, and the ability to distill key issues from the perspective of human nature."

He looked back at Chang Ke and said, "Of course, by normal standards, your physical strength isn't enough. Far from it, and you lack a foundation in military training—that's definitely a shortcoming. But this job requires brains more than brute force. Also, you know that if you're dismissed, you have no fallback, so during training you showed remarkable willpower. You have natural balance and quick reflexes, so at least your performance in physical and military training isn't bad."

Chang Ke recalled the grueling torture of triathlons and the times he was beaten to pieces during sparring, his head bloodied.

"More sweat in training, less blood in battle," that instructor said it every day.

The leader said proudly, "If I hadn't recruited you, you'd just be a bookish scholar with no strength to bind a chicken, never knowing you could also be an outstanding warrior. Heroes are forged on the battlefield."

Chang Ke added, "Yes, and martyrs as well."

The question that had troubled him for years finally had an answer.

"Work hard and bring back a first-class merit," the leader said, picking up his glass for a sip, but not looking at Chang Ke. "If you really don't want to do this anymore, you can apply for early retirement in a few years. Get a hefty pension, choose your own career or start a business. You're a master negotiator—you'd be unbeatable."

"Alright, let's get to the main topic. I'll go to the restroom first, then we'll talk," the leader stood up.

"You going yourself?" Chang Ke teased him.

The leader shot Chang Ke a glare. "You rascal, if I don't go myself, are you going to go on my behalf?"

Returning to the private room, while he was still sober, the leader lowered his voice and assigned Chang Ke a shocking new task: to go alone to Wild City on the Deze border and assassinate the drug lord Yan Nuo.

Chang Ke was utterly surprised by this mission and asked in confusion, "This drug lord doesn't seem to have anything to do with our line of work, does he?"

The leader, drinking Erguotou and nibbling on smashed cucumbers and peanuts, briefly explained some of the facts Chang Ke already knew.

The Kachin Army is one of Myanmar's largest local ethnic armed forces, founded in 1961. The Kachin people have always insisted on "independent nationhood," and after General Ne Win launched a coup to overthrow the civilian government, Myanmar refused to restore the constitution and intensified control over ethnic minority territories. The Kachin Army fights for the independence of its people.

From 1961 to 1994, the Kachin Army and the Myanmar government forces waged brutal war over an area of 90,000 square kilometers in the mountains. Later, the Kachin Independence Organization (KLO) changed its strategy and began seeking high autonomy within Myanmar's national framework.

But the real trigger for decades of territorial conflict was the jade mines.

In 1994, the Kachin reached a ceasefire agreement with the then Myanmar military government. The Kachin Independence Organization agreed to let the Myanmar National Mining Company have the right to mine and trade jade in their controlled areas, with profits split between the state and Kachin State.

However, the autonomy demands raised by the Kachin side were deflected by the military government, claiming to be only "regents" and saying negotiations would have to wait for a future democratically elected government.

This result was widely seen within the Kachin as a "humiliating surrender."

A Kachin Army leader once stated, "We've fought the Myanmar Army for two generations; we're not afraid to sacrifice another generation's happiness. The goal is national dignity and self-determination."

The Myanmar Jade Company, operated by the military group, is one of the world's leading sellers of jadeite, especially famous for its deep green jade, a hot commodity on markets in China, Thailand, and Singapore. As the country's third largest exporter, Myanmar Jade Company still brings in over $300 million in revenue annually.

According to Myanmar's earlier Gemstone Act, only companies partnered with the government (essentially the military) can mine jade, and the jade extracted can only be sold at jade fairs organized by the Myanmar government in Mandalay (Chinese traders call these "public auctions").

Industry insiders say that in reality, 40% of the profits from each piece of jade auctioned in Mandalay end up in the pockets of the government and military. But what really irritates the military is that the crucial Hpakant jade mine remains firmly in the hands of the Kachin Army—such "dividends" are bound to attract envy!

Thus, the Myanmar government and military accuse the Kachin Army of trying to push government forces out of the lucrative jade mining areas, while the Kachin Army believes the Myanmar military is aiming to seize the jade mines to economically strangle the Kachin Army and even the Kachin people.

The Myanmar government forces want to squeeze the territory controlled by Kachin anti-government forces and secure control of the region's jade and other natural resources. These jade resources can significantly boost the government's income, while for the Kachin Independence Army, they are vital economic lifelines. "With jade resources, the Kachin rebels stand tall."

Peace stands no chance in the face of immense profits—neither side has ever truly ceased fighting in decades. Fortunately, at this point, there were no religious or political claims raised yet. Civilians were only occasionally harmed by stray bullets, and it hadn't escalated into large-scale terrorist attacks like "9/11."

In the Kachin region, almost everyone is a soldier, including numerous child and teenage soldiers. They grow up in military camps, begin training and live-fire exercises as young as seven or eight.

There are elementary schools in the camps, but they only teach basic literacy. These poorly educated, underdeveloped youths never part from their guns, growing up among the world's most dangerous people, and if they dislike someone, they sweep their AK-47s across them.

Kachin soldiers raised in the camps worship strength, are fierce in temperament, and fight bravely. Compared to government troops from the cities, they are especially adept at mountain and jungle warfare.

Since close combat rarely favors the government forces, to avoid casualties, the Myanmar Army increasingly uses artillery for offense and defense. The attacks are not limited to Laiza, but extend to Pangwa northeast of Myitkyina, especially Hpakant, rich in jade.

Many conflict zones border China and Myanmar, and shells are indiscriminate, sometimes injuring border residents.

The Chinese side can't even identify who is responsible.